Raed Obayes mutlab alhusnawy

لناي الحزين لا يُطرب سوى أهل حزنه، وصراعات النفس الأمارة بالسوء كثيرا ما تتسلط على واقعنا الذي تزيده مرارة، وولادة الضعف من القوة هي فعل إهدار لها، فهناك من ينظم قوته وهناك من يدخرها ويهدرها ببطء. أعتدنا من الأنظمة التي حكمت العراق أن تعزف على نايها حتى تكسب سامعيها أنين الكآبة، أو تشدهم إلى صوت ريفي عادة ما يندب به حظه. بين الصوت، والكتابة، والسلطة خطوط حمراء، كخطوط الطول والعرض في أيام الحرب، فالسلطة تعيش في حالة حرب دائمة، حرب مع نفسها، ومع أهلها، ومع جيرانها، أو حرب طبول ترهب بها من يسمعها من العالمين، بعد ما أصبح العالم قرية صغيرة، وتشعب التواصلات التي بات القول بها كالفعل، لم يعد فيها الكلام كلام ولا الفعل فعل، كلاهما أقترن مع بعضهما في خطاب الأنظمة والدول، وأصبح فيها السلوك سلوك قول وفعل؛ لأن القانون جرم الأثنين معا.

البحث عن إشكالية اللغة والهوية الوطنية والاعلام https://youtu.be/WkamO78LTPg

نقد سياسي حلكم الحقب وسكوت النخب

مشاركة المجتمع همومه وتطلعاته

يدور فكر هذا البحث حول ظاهرتي التكفير والعنف اللتين اقترنتا بأحداث وأسباب ومسوّغات، بعضها شرعية وبعضها غير شرعية، في عدّ هاتين الظاهرتين ضرورة ملحّة عند من يرغبون في إصلاح كثير من الأخطاء ومعالجة الإشكالات التي رأوا أنها منافية لقيم الإسلام. وهاتان الظاهرتان جاءتا مع ما يُسمّى "الإسلام السياسي" الذي مُيَز عن غيره من مظاهر الإسلام مثل العبادات والشعائر ومجالات الحياة الأخرى كالاقتصاد والتعليم والمجتمع وغيرها.

بحثت مدرسة فرانكفورت في جدلية الانقلاب أو التبني للمشروع الحداثي الذي يعد ميزة الإنسان الأوربي , بكونه منعطفاً تاريخياً مفصلياً في خارطة الحضارة التي امتدت منذ اليونان ليورثها الألمان ,فقد كان الفلاسفة الألمان جليون في صنع تراث التنوير والوعي المعمق في رؤى وجذور الحداثة ,فضلاً عن أفقها المستقبلي الذي تشوه بسبب دخان الحربين العالميتين اللتين إنتهيتا بالإنسان الحداثي النرجسي الرومانسي العقلاني , إلى ساحل التأمل البعيد لكل المشاريع الإنسانية ,التي رافقت مشروع الحداثة . فخيبة الأمل الجزرية الطويلة تلك في الوعي الإنساني المعاصر من وعود الحداثة ,ازدادت بسبب الطوفان والمد الغارق لما يسمى "العدمية" لكونها أفق لوعي تجاوزي وفكر إلغائي ومشاريع تخطي , لذلك الركام الذي خلق إطلاله للبكاء والندب و الاستهجان والنقد والسخرية من ذلك القدر الذي سُمي بالحداثة . ذلك الوعي تمثل بتيارات ومشاريع تحاول ترميم المنجز الحضاري الذي أصبح هيكل رث في عمارة الحضارة الغربية ,الذي بدأ الحديث عنه في فن العمارة والنحت والفن والرسم ومدارس فنية وفكرية ذات طابع تجديدي .

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annihilation partners ISIS and the Ba'ath Assistant Professor Dr Raed Abbas What prompted ISIS and the Baath party to participate in committing a massacre, crime, and annihilating the soldiers of the Speicher Air Force Base? It is not possible to answer this question in a short phrase, and we say “the interests brought them together”, and it is not enough to link the roots of some Baath leaders to their religious fundamentalisms. Several factors were formed in the decision to carry out the crime of genocide against the soldiers of the Camp Speicher base, between ISIS and the Baath Party, as a strategic partnership decision for both parties, with the fact that their enemy, who is committed to the intention of that crime, represents the majority of them from the infidel “Shiite” sect, the enemy, and the danger that prevents Implementing their political agendas - whether with ISIS, which establishes its own state, or the Baath Party, which dreams of returning, and seeks to obstruct the existence of every government after its own. The dimensions of the genocide were intertwined and its decision, after a long reflection of the Baath Party, its regime family, its remnants, and its formations, settled on a fatal and painful blow to the Shiite rulers and their people, in revenge for the buried head of the regime who was executed by an Iraqi judicial decision, on the one hand, and on the other hand, an attempt to cause a sectarian war On the other hand, an attempt to stir up popular discontent with the Shiite rulers after they committed mistakes in managing the government and controlling the inflamed environment of sectarianism, terrorism, and extremism in Mosul, Salah al-Din, Anbar, and Diyala. In addition to efforts to make chaos to invest in settling scores, managing looting, monopolizing wealth, and mortgaging the state’s economy in the hands of their extremist groups, as happened in Iraq and Syria when ISIS occupied it. As well as exploiting the state of popular and clan discontent, and hostile political charging against what they call "Shia rule", just as this is not devoid of external agendas, some of which were linked to the idea of the caliphate, some to the ruin of Iraq, others to creating chaos, and another dimension to overthrow the regime The entire political system made Iraq a state of "no state", but the foreign agendas intersected with the expansionist map of ISIS, which included even the American interests that supported them with money, weapons, plans, and support, albeit at the level of support, and watching the actions of ISIS; Because America tends with its strategy to ally with the strong against its opponents in the region, with whom it tries to tighten the screws on whoever it wants. Part of that support had nothing to do with the Baath Party, but ISIS harnessed the Baath, the ideas of its leaders, and their military expertise, in achieving part of its goals and turning against it. Someone might say: ISIS is fighting in Syria against the Baath regime and allying with it in Iraq! Yes, this was and became; Because the decision to achieve a strategic strike was integrated by choosing the soldiers of Speicher and its base and planning it between (ISIS, the Baath, and the clans allied with them), which ended with the realization of that plan of "extermination" in which our sons were killed as evil killers by an act of treachery, cowardice, negligence, betrayal of responsibility, conscience, and patriotism, parents! When we say that the realistic dimensions of this "extermination" were intertwined, we mean that there was a "voluntary killing" that occurred to these soldiers, "Speicher Soldiers", as an act of closeness to God! And panic with the cousins on them! And a wild lust for killing against them! And planning to annihilate them and the available opportunities to kill them! And even the children and the women are despicable to stone them, kill them, terrorize them, and make those of them absent until today! The acts of savagery that were committed against them were before the full management of savagery at ISIS! , This means that the will of savagery and its impulses are endemic to the popular imagination religiously, politically, and socially. He pushed to fuel these impulses by the leaders of the Baath Party, with declared motives of revenge, with the help of the incubators who were merciful to the Baath Party and cheered by the advent of ISIS. This was a "Speicher" as an act of genocide that was larger and uglier, along with other abominations and crimes committed with the same motives that would achieve the description of "genocide".

The Shiite community in international reports A reading of the report of the Commission on Human Rights for the year 1998 (7) Assistant Professor Dr Raed Abbas International reports usually present a description of human rights situations in Iraq in general, but the report of Mr. Max van der Stoel in the Human Rights Commission in Iraq for the year 1998 No. 65 provided a somewhat detailed description regarding the comprehensive violation of human rights in Iraq, and any right obtained far from For these violations, it is tinged with fear and constant anxiety about the terror of the authority and its sudden brutality, and its price is a sense of reconciliation with the regime, and partial and comprehensive acceptance of all its practices. The report mentioned in particular the violations that affected the "Shi'a community", thus the report mentioned it with this title, relying on the observations of the Human Rights Committee and its Special Rapporteur in that regard. The report referred to the killing of two Shiite religious scholars who are respected by the international community, namely Grand Ayatollah Sheikh Mirza Al-Qarawi and Ayatollah Sheikh Mortada Al-Boroujerdi. It called it "the independent leadership of the Shiite community," and the rapporteur demanded an investigation into this killing, but the Ba'ath government, as usual, ignored every request in this regard. The Special Rapporteur also monitored death sentences against eight Shiite clerics who had participated in a ceremony organized to commemorate Imam Hussein. As well as monitoring an incident that the office of Grand Ayatollah Bashir al-Najafi was exposed to, he was attacked with a hand grenade by a group of armed men while performing religious ceremonies. This attack led to the death of three men and the wounding of Sheikh Bashir al-Najafi. Such Baathist crimes continued against the Shiite community and its religious leaders since the Baath Party assumed power in Iraq, and they multiplied after the Shaaban uprising in 1991, so there were arrests, assassinations, displacement, and restrictive practices on their religious and social activities, and decisions of house arrest and surveillance. and the enforced disappearance of more than 100 Shiite religious men whose fate is unknown. Such Baathist practices were classified, according to the report, as a flagrant and disgraceful violation of all human values, freedoms of expression of opinion and belief, and the right to practice life in its natural way, which the Baath regime made it an unnatural practice. Because it spread fear, terror, and anxiety among the Iraqis, and the constant discomfort in the life of every Iraqi who was at the time of the Baath regime. It expresses the magnitude of the nightmare that continued to haunt his family. We are certain that there are serious violations against the Shiite community at the time of writing this decision by Mr. Max Van, but the committee's extrapolations of writing the aforementioned decision did not reach them.

This research seeks to identify the composition of Peter Sloterdijk It is known as the “bubble” and how it develops, its launch, its space, its resilience, or its explosion in the atmosphere. Ethnicity and its aftermath, for a broader concept of corporate citizenship. Visions of philosophy sometimes come from a specific angle, on which the philosopher focuses on analyzing and reading the human reality and the ideas he sees in this direction, once the negative is emphasized, and again on the positive. Between this and that makes a difference in dealing with public issues varyingly look and address, we discover the magnitude of decline, or progress in human values ??awareness, and this is what we called the "philosophy of regression" in addition to the philosophy of progress, based on the reality of recession in some areas and the development of others. The naming of a bubble on anything indicating the shortage, weakness, fragility, structure, composition, and appearance, the emergence of things as facts, but in the eyes of the examiner revealing its truth turns out to be a bubble, these things are false and an affirmation of falsehood, in the origin of composition and announcement. What confirms this falsehood is the launch of these bubbles, due to political, economic and social initiatives, and as a result of a crisis, without the existence of a strategy for the first formation, as well as to include an interest far from the spirit of true human solidarity, and this is observed in all policies against peoples, especially In crises such as wars, sieges, conflicts, conflicts, intersections, and so on, the predominance of the dehumanizing politics is dominated by despair, nihilism, and suicide. The world has seen many of its conflicts, which embodied this dimensionless, as we see it as a return to the logic of the jungle, and the struggle of forces, and the brutality of the brutality of humanity, in many of our conflicts, our policy, and our orientations. The philosophy of regression contradicts the philosophy of evolution, and even drags it into its space, and makes what evolves overlap with what is regressing. This is what we might call the "philosophy of regression of values" which shows the brutality of conscience in the use of the machine at the expense of humanity. A discrete policy of values: a policy that relies on the conscience devoid of human relations, the logic of positive development, and the provisions of parallel transcendental values ??to the logic of balance of interests with valuable constants. The analysis of this title will be in accordance with the problems occupied by Peter Sloterdaek, which was talking about the essence of human solidarity such as: immigration, reception of immigrants, dealing with them on the basis of laws that observe purely human. Takaful policies, failure, success, international dealing with humanitarian affairs, based on the availability of technology, and the economy provides guarantees for everything that confirms progress, not decline, in this area, and shows the many areas of progress over the areas of decline in what is humanitarian. This research comes with three titles that deepen the understanding of this problem, the first was: political morphological theory, and the second: the spirit of technology in the body of humanity. Third, the cemetery of migration in search of deeper human solidarity.

The philosopher Peter Sloterdijk and racism in Germany Dr Raed Obais The philosopher Peter Sloterdijk has been a Chancellor of the University of Art and Design in Karlsruhe, always appearing on German television and has a lot of encounters. After completing his university studies, Sloterdijk spent the years between 1978 and 1980 studying at the hands of Indian mystic Bhagwan Shri Rajnesh, a period he later described as "irreversible" for his later writings. Sloterdijk began publishing a series of articles and philosophical works, and first drew public attention in 1983, with the publication of his book Critique of Satire, in which Sloterdijk draws from the ideas of German thinkers, such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Martin Heidegger, and prominent representatives of critical theory Twentieth - century German like Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno. Echoing Horkheimer's and Adorno's critique of the Age of Lights in their "dialectic of enlightenment," Sloterdijk sought to bury the Enlightenment, not to praise it. Rationality. Sloterdijk declares that the values ??of modern enlightenment have deteriorated and fallen into "enlightened false consciousness" and that the Enlightenment's attempts to understand and improve the world have been superseded by atrocities committed in the twentieth century and society is possible - all that remains is fragments. " He asserts that the recent disappointment in the ideals of the Enlightenment of rationality, science, equality, and justice has turned into a mockery in the opening chapter of the criticism of satirical reason, Sloterdijk explained that Marxism is one of the main candidates for his classification of "enlightened false consciousness." In keeping with his rejection of scientific method and historical analysis, Sloterdijk is not obliged to prove his thesis in this dimension, and he himself says that his book should not be taken seriously. Drawing on the “fun attitude” of postmodern thinkers, he declared his work “recreational and entertaining: not much work like relaxation”. The traditional difficulties of philosophical thought are solved directly by Sloterdijk, who seeks to “reintegrate the true power of literature, cynicism and art with discourse”. Scientific, no single original idea can be found in the lengthy and quiet arguments in all of his book Critique of Cynical Reason It is not surprising that Sloterdijk's exploration of the Enlightenment finds that the logical endpoint is the Christian tradition of misery and bomb. Nuclear. Even here, Sloterdijk restores the global malaise and pessimism of one of his mentors, Theodor Adorno, who wrote: "There is no universal theory to lead." The article of the World Socialist Web site suggested that German central bank board member Thilo Sarrazin used stereotypes in his magazine interview. Racism and "language usually associated with extreme right-wing parties ... to incite hatred against the most vulnerable strata of society - the unemployed and the poor - and, in particular, against the Turkish and Arab populations" in his interview, Sarrazin combined racist incitement against foreign "invaders" with anti-Semitic cliches . The German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk has been involved in the debate over the issue, by openly defending the racist statements made by Sarrazin, in an interview published in a prominent European cultural magazine Tello Sarrazin, a long-time member of the Social Democratic Party, and for several years a senator Of the left-wing coalition of the Social Democratic Party in Berlin. Only a few months after his appointment to the Executive Committee of the Bundesbank, Sarrazin made statements against the poor and socially disadvantaged communities, particularly the immigrant communities in Germany. Sloterdijk, a well-known philosopher and journalist, defended Sarrazin's views in an interview with German political magazine Cicero. Sloterdike criticizes those who criticize Sarrazin as opportunists. One might think that the circle of German opinion-makers has turned into a cage of whole cowards who complain and pessimistic against any deviation from the rules of the cage. "Sloterdijk declares and continues to emphasize that Sarrazin drew attention to" the undeniable existence of the lack of will to integrate with some quarters. Turkish and Arabic in Berlin ". According to Sloterdijk, even the head of the German central bank, Axel Weber, proved that he was not "immune from the plague of opportunism" because Weber drew some criticism of Sarrazin's remarks after they were actually published. The criticism of Sarrazin's views by many commentators in the media demonstrates "the depth of our plunge in the language quagmire." According to his critics, the deceitful attempt by Sloterdijk to assert that the discussion about Sarrazin's comments implies a kind of "language confusion" is absurd. There can be no confusion about the terms used by Sarrazin, as anyone Familiar with Sloterdijk's ideological development will not be quite surprised by his comments.However, the speed and rudeness with which he intervenes to lend his support to Sarrazin is striking. Philosophy is far from racism, but identifying with political criticism introduces the philosopher and critic to bias, which is contrary to the rationality and objectivity that the philosopher should have. According to the meaning of philosophy itself, it is true that philosophy may have lost its traditional meaning, but it always shows a tendency. Fairness in the rule of things and logical.